Clash of Worlds : The Story of Hissene Habre

The former strongman of Chad has been convicted of crimes against humanity. During his rule from 1982 to 1990 torture, murder, and war atrocities were common. Chad during Habre's presidency was in a state of civil war, while fighting Libya. Human rights advocates and supporters of liberal democratization have declared this as a victory for justice. There is a problem with this narrative. His trail was in Senegal, when most of the crimes he committed were in his native Chad and Libya. The will never be a trial for the enablers of his regime which included the United States, France, and other Western countries. His regime was an asset to the Ronald Reagan administration who sought to overthrow Qaddafi's government. Chad was given extensive military aid to fight the Muslim north of the country. This was method of destabilizing Libya, which was challenging US imperialism in Africa and the Middle East. Habre would eventually be deposed by one of his associates Idriss Deby, who rules to this day. A similar scenario has developed between Chad and the West. President Deby has become an enforcer of US and French objectives in the Sahel. Hissene Habre served a similar role during the Chadian Civil War and the Chadian-Libyan conflict. That period was an intersection of Cold War politics, neocolonialism, and attempts at regime change. It is obvious that Habre is guilty of criminal activity, but it is clear it is selective justice. Selective justice protects certain groups, even though they are guilty for similar crimes. African, Asian, and Latin American leaders are subject to this while it is rare that white or Western leaders are charged for war crimes or crimes against humanity. The ICC functions on selective justice, which is why it draws criticism. There is a reason neither American or French officials are put on trial for assisting the Habre regime. A careful examination of the past reveals how even after the anti-colonial movements Western powers still have a level of influence in the affairs of the African continent. The story of Hissene Habre is the chronicle of the evolving model of neocolonial policy.

To understand the nature of Habre's regime one must examine his past. Born in 1942, he was a son of a shepherd. Raised in Faya-Largeau he later became a clerk in the French Army. Spotted by a French commander Habre was offered a grant to study in France. Hissene Habre is of the Toubou ethnic group, who are traditionally herders. Returning to Chad he had much ambition. He rose rapidly through the ranks and became deputy of prefect of Moussouro in 1963. Hissene Habre went back to France and received his higher education in Paris. Using his new found skills, Habre returned to N'Djamena. It was 1971 and Chad was dealing with civil war and various armed groups. Habre upon his return entered the government service. Gradually, he would maneuver to become one of the most powerful figures in Chad. It was clear at this point his main interest was power, not improving the state. President Francois Tombalbye was impressed with him enough to make him be a negotiator in talks with Abba Siddik head of FROLINAT ( Front De Liberation Nationale du Tchad). Habre was in nature opportunistic and joined Siddik thinking it would later advance his political position.

Habre felt that Siddik's political approach was too slow and limited The two dissolved their collaboration and Habre looked for another ally. He then joined Goukoni Oueddei and became a leader of the Forces Armees Du Nord. FAN based its operations from the Tibesti Mountains. Habre was part of an incident in 1974 which involved the capture of international hostages. The attack on the town of Bardi resulted in the kidnapping of two European hostages, which got international attention. One was a German Christophe Stalwen and the other a French citizen Francoise Claustre. Habre demanded ransom, which he got from the Germans. The French refused to pay at first, but did so in 1977. Around this time, Hissene Habre was frustrated being a co-leader of FAN. He would then abandoned Oueddei and forged another alliance. This pattern of use and betrayal served him well for his ultimate goal of ruling all of Chad. Habre became prime minister under Felix Malloum. The Malloum presidency collapsed in 1978 when Goukouni Oueddei was able to capture N'Djamena with his forces. The former government of national unity was replaced with another known as Gouvernement d'Union Nationale de Transition (GUNT) . Goukoni Oueddei became prime minister. Habre refused to accept the GUNT and war broke out between opposing forces. Nine months of fighting in 1980 resulted in a loss for Habre. Goukoni had reinforcements from Libya intervene on his behalf. Muammar Qaddafi's reasoning for intervention was to settle the Aouzou Strip dispute and prevent a hostile government developing on its border. Relations between Egypt, Libya, and Sudan had deteriorated and an unstable Chad would only exacerbate matters. Habre fled Chad heading first Cameroon and then took refuge in Jaafar Nimeiri's Sudan. Hissene Habre then began amassing his troops for an invasion of Chad. The Organization of African Unity attempted to broker a cease-fire, but efforts failed and Habre invaded in 1982. Around June 19th, he proclaimed himself interim president and established a Council of State. The Habre regime was now in power.

Habre was now the sole ruler of Chad, but the fighting did not stop. He defeated Abdelkader Kamougue. There were some insurrections in Southern Chad, but not powerful enough for his overthrow. Goukoni had returned in 1983 again with Libyan assistance gaining some control over the north of the country. The United States, France, and Zaire began sending military aid to the Habre regime. The United States' motivation was clear. The Ronald Reagan administration had adopted a more hostile anti-Qaddafi policy than the Nixon, Ford, or Carter administrations. The reason was that the US wanted show how powerful it was by harassing nations that resisted its foreign policy objectives. Libya was arming the ANC, SWAPO, and ZANU in Southern Africa. These groups were fighting white minority rule, while the US was supporting them. This was part of Reagan's aggressive anti-communism. While other states that the Reagan administration harassed were not all communist , it was applied to any country opposed to US policies.

Qaddafi was targeted because of his anti-colonial politics and his opposition to US involvement in Africa's affairs. Habre's regime was an opportunity for the US indirectly wage war on Libya and also develop a compliant ally in the region. This involvement got so deep that it would eventually lead to the US attack on Libya in 1986. Attempts at either using Chad, Egypt, or Sudan to invade Libya did not come to fruition. France was less interested in regime change, but instead wanted to reassert its influence in its former colonies. France was conscious of the fact the US was moving into an area that nation once dominated. Qaddafi relations with France fluctuated and during this period it was at a nadir. The OAU wanted to prevent Chad form being a gateway for former European powers and neighboring African states to make war. The 1981 arrival of the OAU peace keeping force was not effective. Only three nations contributed troops which included Nigeria, Senegal, and Zaire. Libya and France were now indirectly in conflict. France was attempting to counter the rise of revolutionary leaders such a Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso. Authoritarian regimes served French objectives better in the long term. Habre had two powerful allies in the US and France, which would guarantee his political survival. President Francois Mitterand and Mummar Qaddafi agreed in 1984 to remove their armed forces from Chad. France did remove its forces, but Libya did not. France attempted to send troops back, but Habre did not allow it. Hissene Habre knew that the more he became involved with the French, the more they would try to dictate government policy.

When major world power attempt to create a puppet, sometimes they turn against them. Habre knew how to manipulate situations in his favor. He has subdued the southern resistance by 1985, but there was still a force of 4000 Libyans in the north. Libya launched an attack in 1986 across the 16th parallel around February. The United States then provided Chad with $10 million in aid to halt the Libyan offensive. Habre then launched offensives in Bardi and the Tebesti mountains. Chad was getting weapons form the US transported from Cameroon. France had sent 1000 troops to support air units. It refused to get involved in combat, even though it had troops stationed in the African Central Republic. This time Habre wanted the French to return. France did not want to commit its military to ground combat. The French public would have not supported this. However, the United States then promised $15 million more in aid. The Chadian Civil War did not only involve Mitterand and Reagan, but Joseph Mobutu. Mobutu's foreign policy on the African continent was to arm anti-communist groups. He was opposed to leftist leaders through out Africa and aligned Zaire in the Western orbit of the Cold War. Being a country that is the center of the continent gives it access to many regions of Africa. Joseph Mobutu was reliable to the United States and allowed the CIA to operate as a conduit. Joseph Mobutu saw an opportunity to expanded his influence in Chad and challenge a leftist leader in Libya. This was an extension on his other policies which involved support for Jonas Savimbi's UNITA and Holden Roberto's FNLA in Angola. Joseph Mobutu saw another leader like himself in Habre. It made since to him seeing as both Chad and the African Central Republic are north of Zaire. Mobutu's reasoning was that it would secure his rule if he fought other models of government across Africa. Hissene Habre had built a powerful network in the 1980s. The confrontations of the Cold War worked in his favor.

The Habre regime inflicted much damage upon the Chadian population. The country was being impoverished by long tern warfare and external foreign influence. The result was refugees fleeing to neighboring countries. Chad's civil war had attracted too many world and regional powers to become a stable state. Habre proved to be a violent, yet calculating leader. His current charges include crimes against humanity and torture. The estimates are still questionable, but it has been claimed that 40,000 had been killed by his government. He has also been accused of stealing $11 million in public funds before fleeing into exile in 1990. Habre's post-presidency was living in freedom in Senegal. Victims were pursuing him and Chad sentenced him to death in absentia. This move was not a surprise considering the current president Idriss Deby overthrew him in 1990. Deby invaded from Sudan defeating Habre's forces. The last phase of his rule was particularly brutal when the Civil War and the the Libyan War were coming to a close. Habre's offensive against Libyan attacks were reinforced by renewed French intervention. Aid did come, but Chad had to fight on their own. A development that worked in his favor was that Goukouni's forces changed sides and fought against Libya. Libya assumed that the French would not return to assist, but the Mitterand government changed its policy. Habre was winning the war having military victories at Bardi and the Tibesti Mountains. From 1986 to 1987 Habre was becoming more powerful. Libya was repulsed from Fada. France then sent 1000 troops for support for the Habre regime. Libya suffered another major defeat when Ouadi Doum was captured. Habre's forces killed 3,6000 Libyans. Others died fleeing into harsh desert ( an estimate of 2000). The Libyan retreat continued to Faya-Largeau. A portion became stranded and isolated in the Darfur region of Sudan. About 3000 Libyan troops were in Sudan after Habre's massive offensive. The war by this point was extremely unpopular in Libya and the country had to make peace.

The Reagan administration failed in its attempt to assassinate and induce regime change in Libya, but they saw in Chad a future opportunity to do so again. Qaddafi recognized the Habre regime in 1988 at an OAU meeting. Relations between Chad and Libya were gradually being restored. Goukouni was losing political power and influence. His supporters joined Habre, even his most loyal Achiek Ibn Omar. So much death and destruction resulted in high casualties. Besides war which was killing the Chadian people, it was Habre's regime. The Directorate of Documentation and Security (DDS) was a secret police force that hunted dissidents and imposed Habre's will upon the population. It was notorious throughout the country for extreme violence and oppression. Survivors claim they used electric shocks, near asphyxia, and having gas sprayed into their eyes. An even more starling revelation is that the CIA was involved in training of the DDS. The Reagan administration was known for its support of human rights abusing regimes in Latin America as well as Asia, and it was extended to Africa. It has been said that there was an underground prison Habre utilized for dissidents known as " the Piscine." This was a swimming pool that was converted into detention center and prison. Most of the detention centers were in the capital and political prisoners were sometimes held in the presidential palace. While this abuse was occurring, Habre used the excuse he was trying to impose order in a country plagued by war and insurrection. Hissene Habre also engaged in ethnic persecution. The Zaghawa, the Sara, Chadian Arabs, and the Hadjerai were subject to racist attack. Between 1984 and 1987 Sara and Hadjerai were subject to violence. The Arabs and Zaghawa faced the same fate between 1989 and 1990. The United States and France enabled this brutality by giving Habre loyal support through out his regime. CIA director William Casey made sure Habre was well supplied with weapons through Egypt and Sudan. Donald Norland the ambassador to Chad from 1979 to 1981 had stated that CIA involvement contributed to Habre's rise to power. The Habre regime also received AWACS electronic surveillance planes from the Reagan administration. Norland accused the Reagan presidency of turning a "bind eye" to human rights abuses. The 1980s saw the end of the Cold War and a shift in US foreign policy. Habre when Idriss Deby invaded got no assistance from Washington or Paris. Habre did not have an external ally to turn to or another local ally to collaborate with. He then fled to Cameroon, making Senegal his permanent place of exile.

From 1990 to 2016 Hissene Habre lived in relative comfort in Senegal. The new Idriss Deby regime did attempt to pursue him. The Deby regime had a commission assembled in 1992 to gather a list of former DDS agents and Habre regime members. They did produce a report, but it had little impact. Habre did face in 2005 from a Belgian judge charges of crimes against humanity. A warrant was put out for his arrest. This seemed to be a violation of national sovereignty, seeing as his crimes were committed in Chad not Belgium. Living in Senegal complicated matters legally. European leaders should not punish Africans for the crimes they commit on their continent. Only the African criminal justice systems should be allowed to do that. Habre was arrested under the universal jurisdiction law. There was an attempt to then extradite him to Belgium. This indictment was brought about from testimony of Chadians living in Belgium. Habre was briefly released on appeal, but then put under house arrest. The extradition did not happen, because Olusegun Obasanjo President of the African Union did not want African nations sovereignty undermined. If there was to be a trial it was to be in an African country. As the 2000s progressed other victims appeared in court to testify against the former Western ally. Human Rights Watch pushed further with victims to get Habre in court. Currently, after a long case he has been sentenced to life imprisonment. There are still problems with the legal process. The trial was conducted by the Extraordinary Court of Chambers. It is the first national to charge an African head of state under universal jurisdiction. This concept opens the door to distorted justice. War crimes most of the time are investigated by international tribunals. The International Crimes Court has not attempt to pursue Habre or any other war crimes related to Chad. The ICC has in many ways lost credibility, because it only targets African or non-Western leaders. It is rare that a European leader would go to trial for the civilian deaths in Libya or Syria. No US official or president has been brought to trial for the aggressive war waged in Iraq.

When Hissene Habre appeared in court it was hard not to forget who enabled his reign of terror. The US and France gave Chad weapons and money to continue the civil war and the conflict with Libya.There are no Reagan or Mitterand associates on trial for the formulation of a pro-Habre foreign policy. There have not been any trials of CIA officers that trained the DDS. While it is clear Habre did commit crimes and atrocities, it is a distorted justice if Americans and French are not charged for involvement with the regime. Calling the imprisonment of Habre a victory for justice is not accurate . This trial of Habre has many implications. Some question why this happen at this particular time . These are speculations, but highly probable: Idriss Deby wants to eliminate a former enemy, The US and France want to cover their involvement, or its an attempt to make universal jurisdiction imposed on nations. Idriss Deby had for a long period of time wanted to capture and execute Hissene Habre. The fact that a former rival was still alive caused him concern. Habre during the 1990s and 2000s kept out of politics and was not intending to return to Chad with an armed force. He had done so in the past, but he lost an immense amount of support. Habre was no longer a political threat, but it is clear that Idriss Deby wants to eliminate the possibility of external resistance. Idriss Deby still holds power in Chad and the regime is once again getting support from France and the United States. It comes down to the situation in Libya. After the NATO intervention and the assassination of Qaddafi the country does not have a stable government. Armed groups and militias rule the streets.ISIS has emerged in the country, while others already had a presence including Ansar Al Sharia, the Libyan Islamic Fighter Group, and Al-qaeda. Deby's government enjoyed better relations with Libya. Libya was even responsible for brokering a peace between Sudan and Chad in the mid-2000s. The 2011 civil war in Libya and the NATO invasion put Chad in a precarious situation. They had lost a friendly government to the north of their border. The US and France see in Idriss Deby as a stable force in the region that has to be supported for the sake of the War on Terror. However, the past French and American actions have to be sanitized in order to advance this policy. The public has either limited knowledge or understanding of history to make accurate judgments on US and French actions. Habre's trial ignores their involvement in human rights abuses. Habre will be made an example of as a means to cover atrocities of the West and the fact they enable authoritarian regimes. Idriss Deby will be remade in terms of media image to appear to be a leader "fighting terrorism." Deby's rule has longevity and it is clear that its abuses will exceed that of the Habre regime. Deby has been accused of favoring his Zaghawa ethnic group while discriminating against others. Universal jurisdiction is not being used to promote justice, but to target a certain leaders. Although Habre was a loyal Cold War ally, the US and France no longer needed him when that period was over. The convenience of having him detained ensures he will never discuss financial transactions and weapons deals with the US and France. This does not mean Habre is innocent. It should be understood that more are guilty, besides one man.

Clash of Worlds

Monday, June 20, 2016

The Story of Hissene Habre

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